President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has on several occasions publicly acknowledged Vice President Kashim Shettima’s role in the administration, citing his loyalty, competence, and contribution to governance. These remarks position Shettima as a dependable partner within the executive, particularly in advancing the administration’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which focuses on economic growth, job creation, and sustainability. Such public affirmations suggest continuity and cohesion at the highest level of government.
They also signal institutional confidence in the Vice President’s performance, reinforcing the perception of a stable executive partnership since the 2023 election.
Despite this, speculation has emerged regarding the composition of the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential ticket ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Discussions both overt and informal have raised the possibility of replacing Vice President Shettima as President Tinubu’s running mate. As of now, however, no official statement has been made by the Presidency or the APC concerning any alteration to the existing ticket.
Historically, the office of the Vice President in Nigeria has been structurally constrained. Under the 1999 Constitution, executive authority is heavily centralized in the Presidency, leaving the Vice President with responsibilities largely defined by presidential delegation rather than constitutional mandate.
This structural reality has often contributed to political tension and speculation surrounding the role, regardless of individual performance. Recent developments within the APC have further intensified debate. At a North East APC stakeholders’ meeting in Gombe State, the party’s National Working Committee endorsed President Tinubu’s re-election bid while omitting any reference to Vice President Shettima.
The omission drew criticism from party stakeholders and observers, particularly in the North East, and has been interpreted as politically significant, whether intentional or otherwise. From a policy and electoral standpoint, the potential replacement of a sitting Vice President raises several strategic considerations for the APC.
The North East remains an important electoral bloc for the party, and Shettima’s political base and regional standing contribute to APC’s competitiveness in the zone. Any decision perceived as marginalizing that region could affect voter alignment and party cohesion.
There are also broader implications related to Nigeria’s complex religious and regional dynamics. While some analysts argue that introducing a northern Christian candidate on the ticket could recalibrate electoral appeal, such a move carries risks. Nigeria’s electoral behavior is shaped by a combination of religion, regional identity, incumbency, and party structure.
Adjustments to one variable do not automatically yield electoral gains and may instead produce unintended consequences.
Political behavior in Northern Nigeria is informed by long-standing social networks, historical affiliations, and a strong sense of political participation.
States such as Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Kebbi, Jigawa, Zamfara, and Sokoto have demonstrated consistent engagement in electoral processes. Strategic decisions affecting representation are therefore closely scrutinized by voters and party stakeholders alike.
Within this context, Vice President Shettima’s public posture has remained measured. His approach characterized by restraint, strategic patience, and institutional loyalty has reinforced perceptions of political maturity and experience. From an administrative perspective, continuity in the executive may offer stability as the government pursues policy implementation in a challenging economic and security environment.
Ultimately, any decision regarding the APC’s 2027 ticket will reflect broader calculations about electoral viability, internal party balance, and national cohesion. However, replacing a sitting Vice President with established regional support should be approached as a substantive strategic decision rather than a symbolic adjustment. The potential costs—political, electoral, and institutional—warrant careful evaluation.
Dukawa writes from Abuja and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com
